Fatwa by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran's Supreme Leader, opposed the acquisition, development and use of nuclear weapons has been around since the mid-1990s, despite his first public announcement reported in October 2003, followed by an official statement at a meeting of the International Atomic Energy Agency ) in Vienna two years later in August 2005.
Some analysts question the existence, application, and/or tenacity of the fatwa. According to Khalaji, Khamenei can alter his fatwa in a critical state, similar to the way his predecessor Ayatollah Khomeini did on some civil and political issues. According to Gareth Porter's writings in Foreign Policy, Iran's reluctance to nuclear weapons is sincere in view of "historical episodes during the eight-year war with Iraq", when Iran never avenged the Iraqi chemical attack on Iran. which killed 20,000 Iranians and injured 100,000 people. According to Mehdi Khalaji, the fatwa is also considered consistent with the Islamic tradition.
The fatwa was included in the fatwa section of Khamenei's official website, and has been named in a statement by the administration of US President Barack Obama and Khamenei himself.
Video Ali Khamenei's fatwa against nuclear weapons
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According to Gareth Porter, the fatwa was issued for the first time in the mid-1990s through a letter that was never released publicly. The fatwa was issued "without fanfare" in response to a request from an official "for his religious opinion of nuclear weapons".
In October 2003, Khamenei issued an oral fatwa prohibiting production and using any form of Weapons of Mass Destruction. Two years later, in August 2005, the fatwa was cited in an official statement by the Iranian government at a meeting of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in Vienna, which stated that the production, storage and use of nuclear weapons were banned under Islam.
Iran's nuclear program has been the subject of much international debate for decades. The Iranian government claims its nuclear development goal is to generate electricity and Khamenei has said that they are essentially resisting nuclear weapons, while experts believe that Iran is technically capable of enriching uranium to produce bombs within months.
Four days after the Joint Comprehensive Action Plans Agreement (JCPOA), Khamenei delivered a speech, highlighting his fatwa and rejecting claims that nuclear talks rather than Iran's religious barriers prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons. He says:
The Americans say they stop Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. They know that's not true. We have a fatwa (religious decree), declaring nuclear weapons to be banned religiously under Islamic law. It has nothing to do with nuclear talks.
Maps Ali Khamenei's fatwa against nuclear weapons
Official statement
The official website of Iran for information on its nuclear program has provided examples of public statements by Khamenei in which he voiced his opposition to the pursuit and development of nuclear weapons in moral, religious and Islamic juridical terms. The official website of Khamenei specifically cites the 2010 version of this statement in the fatwa section of the Farsi website as a fatwa on "Prohibition of Weapons of Mass Destruction":
We believe that in addition to nuclear weapons, other types of weapons of mass destruction such as chemical and biological weapons are also a serious threat to humanity. The Iranian nation that is also the victim of chemical weapons is more pronounced than any other country, the danger caused by the production and stockpiling of such weapons and is ready to use all its facilities to counter such threats.
We consider the use of such weapons as haram and believe that it is everyone's duty to make an effort to secure mankind against this great catastrophe.
Also, during a speech delivered on April 9, 2015 in a meeting with a group of panegyris he said:
This is while we are not after a nuclear test. We are not aiming for nuclear weapons. And this is not because they tell us not to pursue these things. Instead, we do not want these things for ourselves and our religion and because reason tells us not to do it. Shar'i and aqli [related to the logic and reason] of the fatwa declare that we are not pursuing them. Our fatwa aqli is that we do not need nuclear weapons either now or in the future. Nuclear weapons are a source of trouble for a country like ours
Reception
The fatwa has been widely discussed by international officials and has been named in a statement by the administration of US President Barack Obama
In a statement on a conversation with Hasan Rouhani, Obama said:
Iran's supreme leader has issued a fatwa against the development of nuclear weapons.
A similar statement was quoted from John F. Kerry, saying:
So I conclude by telling you that the sole purpose that brings us to Geneva remains our sole aim when we leave Geneva, and that is to ensure that Iran does not get nuclear weapons. In that single object, we are firm. Foreign Minister [Mohammad Javad] Zarif stressed that they had no intention of doing this, and the supreme leader had indicated there was a fatwa, which prohibited them from doing this.
The fatwa is considered consistent with a set of rules in the Islamic tradition that prohibits weapons that selectively kill women, children, and parents.
Analysis
Doubts have been raised by some experts from the US think tank or affiliated with Israel either on the whereabouts of the fatwa, authenticity, impact, or whether only political statements that have no religious fatwa authority have been made. James Risen of The New York Times noted that Khamenei said "that it was a mistake for Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi of Libya to stop his nuclear weapons program." Some analysts increase the likelihood that Khamenei may be lying, exploiting taqiyya, or religious revelation. In 2015, an open letter to President Barack Obama posted on Iranian.com, reported from Ali Khamenei's nephew, stated that Khamenei is practicing the Shi'i Shia doctrine in connection with the fatwa. On November 1, 2015, The Jerusalem Post also noted that the fatwa came after a period when President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani admitted the nuclear option was explored, referring to the interview. But after that, according to Iran's nuclear hope site, where Rafsanjani's interview was initially published, it was "tilted by Zionist media," and Rafsanjani said: "there is no reason to go to the military aspect of the nuclear issue, we do not want to build nuclear weapons. "
According to Abbas Milani, whether the fatwa "really exists and even whether Mr. Khamenei is entitled to issue a fatwa and ultimately how to change is a fatwa is all things contested". While Seyyed Hossein Mousavian, head of Iran's Foreign Relations Committee from 1997 to 2005 and a researcher at Princeton University, recalled a letter containing an anti-nuclear fatwa issued in the mid-1990s at the office of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, Karim Sadjadpour argued that references to the fatwa by the US government may be to route Iran to compromise on religious grounds rather than the pressure from US-led sanctions.
According to Khalaji, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near Eastern Policy, "the fatwa is issued in response to certain circumstances and can be changed in response to changing conditions." He argues that Ayatollah Khomeini changed some of his earlier views on issues such as taxes, conscription, women's suffrage and monarchy as a form of government so that Khamenei might also modify his nuclear fatwa in critical condition. Similarly, Michael Eisenstadt argues that Khamenei may have issued a fatwa to reduce international pressure on Iran and that "no religious principle prevents Khamenei from modifying or replacing the initial fatwa if circumstances change" and "regime's (benefit) benefit is necessary, "Others have increased the likelihood that the fatwa may fall under Shiqi Taqiyya practice, that is, hide away to avoid the threat of religious persecution. While Gholam-Hossein Elham, an Iranian politician, argues that "taqiya " does not apply here because the fatwa by Khamenei is a primary religious order rather than a secondary one. According to him, Khamenei's fatwa prohibits the slaughter of innocent people and this will not change in any situation because that is the main command. Also, he says that Islamic jurists have banned fraud in Jihad and war, that is, Islamic leaders are honored with the commitments he receives.
Gareth Porter argues that "Khamenei's fatwa analysis has been flawed" not only because the role of jurist jurists in the Iranian legal-legal system is not fully understood, but also because the history of the Khamenei fatwa is ignored. He also believes that in order to understand Iran's policy towards nuclear weapons, one should refer to "historical episodes during the eight-year war with Iraq" which explains why Iran never used chemical weapons against Iraq seeking revenge for an Iraqi attack that killed 20,000 Iranians and was severely wounded. 100,000 more. Porter argues that this fact strongly suggests that Iran has sincerely prohibited the development of chemical and nuclear weapons and that it is "ingrained". In an interview with Porter, Mohsen Rafighdoost, the eight-year war minister of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, reveals how Khomeini has opposed his proposal to begin work on nuclear and chemical weapons by a fatwa that has never been published in detail. when and how it was issued.
See also
- The anti-nuclear movement in the United States
- The history of nuclear weapons
- Ja'fari jurisprudence
- List of fatwa
- Nuclear weapons and the United States
References
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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